Mishmi Takin: Linking Tradition and Science

In the easternmost corners of India, where the sun rises first, the land carries cultures, taboos, rituals, and oral traditions that go back far in time. In the Mishmi Hills of Arunachal Pradesh, where animals are not merely species but considered ancestors and kin, you will find the Mishmi takin, a rare, endangered species of goat-antelope, known locally as aakru, khyam, takang, or takin by the Idu, Digaru, Miju Mishmis, and Meyor communities. They live in a place that is both sacred and deeply rooted in indigenous knowledge systems, and we now risk losing both the takin and the ancient knowledge. 

During my research in this region, I heard an Idu Mishmi mythological tale. It goes like this: One day, the mountain god “Golo” found a strange-looking stone. He tossed it to Earth, and when humans (Idu Mishmi) found it, they shaped it into an animal. Upon seeing this form, Golo gave it life, sparking a tussle between Golo and the Idu to whom the animal belonged. In the struggle, Golo held the horns while the Idu held the tail. In the end, Golo won and took the animal away, leaving the Idu with a broken tail. As a result, the animal developed its unique characteristics: curved horns and a short tail. Since then, locals in the Dibang Valley fondly refer to a large Mishmi takin, with its short tail, body of a wild ox, thick, golden-brown fur coat, curved horns of a goat, distinct Roman nose, and a stocky build as the “Salman Khan of the hills” or chowkidar or boss. Biologists know it as Budorcas taxicolor taxicolor, one of four subspecies of the takin. It dwells in the remote montane forests and alpine meadows of the Mishmi Hills in Arunachal Pradesh at 500-5,000 metres above sea level.

These oral stories from the Mishmi reflect generations of ecological understanding of the aakru’s morphology, ecology, and habitat, as well as the nature-culture relationship in these communities. 

Rituals, Taboos, and Coexistence

For centuries, indigenous communities have sustained their environment through values and practices that maintain an ecological balance. Their life, culture, and identity are closely tied to the land, with traditions that serve as a rich repository of knowledge and living capital. Within Mishmi communities, shamans, hunters, and elders are key holders of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), passing it down through oral traditions, lived experiences, and participation in rituals and taboos over generations.

The Idu Mishmi have coexisted with nature, and hunting has been part of their culture. They follow intricate rituals, rules, and taboos that govern their interactions with wildlife and their hunting practices. According to their traditional beliefs, after a successful hunting expedition, a series of intricate taboos (called eyu-ena or gena) must be followed. These ritual taboos dictate when hunting is prohibited, and include other restrictions, such as where and when particular species can be hunted. They also believe that overhunting can bring misfortune to an individual or cause village-wide calamity. Such beliefs and practices have helped conserve the area’s wildlife and nature.

Indigenous beliefs and practices, which view forests and wildlife as inseparable from life and spirituality, foster a strong sense of stewardship. Communities actively care for and safeguard their forests, ensuring the survival of species like the Mishmi takin.

By combining scientific expeditions with these local knowledge systems (through informal discussions, community participation, and key informant surveys), we gain a more holistic understanding of nature. This integration of traditional wisdom and scientific research strengthens conservation efforts. In my case, while studying the Mishmi takin, I found that such an approach was crucial to its protection and contributed to our understanding of this lesser-known species.

A Living Library

For the Mishmis, the takin is a source of pride and folklore. The Mishmi Takin Conservation Project began in 2019 at the Wildlife Institute of India (WII) with backing from the MoEFCC and the Arunachal Pradesh Forest Department, and with support from local communities in the Mishmi Hills (spanning the Dibang, Lohit, and Anjaw regions). The scientific literature on the ecology of the Mishmi takin is limited, as the species has not been studied extensively since its first scientific description over 180 years ago. To fill this gap, I found a living library in the Mishmi community’s knowledge of forests and wildlife (TEK).

All this started one day while walking from our base camp when I noticed a gathering at a house. Upon getting closer, I learnt it was an oko (house) inauguration ceremony, with rituals conducted by an Igu (shaman) to ensure the family lived a happy and peaceful life. They welcomed me warmly with chai. Around the fireplace, I met the Igu. He asked me why I had come there, and I described my desire to work on understanding the takin, our project and future work. Acknowledging and appreciating the intent, he smiled and said, “Aakru dekhna hai toh aheko jana padega,” (If you want to see the takin, you have to go to the salt lick sites). That evening, between long ritual breaks and sipping cups of apung (fermented rice beer), he narrated the origin story of the Mishmi takin, which I have described above. 

Aheko: Following Indigenous Knowledge

Curious, I asked what aheko meant. The Igu explained that it is a word derived from ahi (honey) and heko (site), meaning “where takins drink honey”. Ecologically, these are salt licks, mineral-rich sites. These sites are ecologically important to them because they provide the nutrients they need and serve as congregation sites for mating, rutting, and other activities. Guided by this knowledge, we began our expeditions to identify aheko sites across the Mishmi Hills.

When Knowledge Becomes Hope

Documenting Traditional Ecological Knowledge revealed key insights into takin ecology, behaviour, and threats. We started our field surveys with month-long expeditions, trekking for several days from subtropical forests at 700 metres to alpine rhododendron and bamboo forests above 5,000 metres, in search of aheko sites. Between the snow-capped mountains and alpine forests, there is marshland. At one point, while crossing it, someone told me, “Sir, paa ko disturb mat karo, baarish dega bahut joor se” (Don’t disturb the frogs, they bring heavy rain). Moments like these taught me a lasting lesson in humility: that conservation is a shared journey of respect and learning; that I was not just studying the landscape but learning from those who live in it; that local beliefs and observations reflect a deep understanding of ecological relationships that I was only beginning to understand.

Beyond the marshlands, broad, muddy tracks cutting through bamboo and rhododendron forests reminded me of Naba’s (the elder) words: “Pahadon mein aakru ka highway hai usme chaloge tho kabhi gayab nahi honge. (In the mountains, these are the takin’s trails; if you follow them, you’ll never lose your way.)

Steep ridgeline climbs eased into a lush green valley. Alpine forests lined one side, while snow-capped mountains rose beyond the rushing turquoise waters of the Dri River. The ground below us was marked with takin hoofprints. It felt like a Shangri-La for the species. Spending days observing takin social groups revealed that these aheko sites (often clusters of salt licks) act as congregation sites and occur across a wide range of elevations in different districts (from subtropical to temperate forests at around 2,000 metres to alpine meadows above 4,500 metres). These sites shape seasonal migrations, mating, rutting, and grazing patterns in aakru life. While individual herds typically range from 18 to 40 members, ahekos can draw massive congregations of over 500 animals. These congregations may vary with lunar cycles and seasonal changes. With the help of indigenous ecological knowledge and the available scientific literature on other species, such as gaur and chital, we identified that a takin herd comprised an adult bull, other adult males, females, subadults, juveniles, and calves.

The aakru’s habitat also supports predators such as tigers, snow leopards, dholes, and bears, and locals say these predators follow aakru herds. Local knowledge, combined with months of field surveys and hundreds of kilometres of trekking, helped me identify takin congregation grounds in the Mishmi Hills. 

What We Stand to Lose

For centuries, TEK has connected nature and culture. True coexistence has led to the conservation of forests and wildlife. In the case of the aakru and its habitat in the Mishmi Hills, indigenous knowledge serves as a living conservation system and a form of knowledge capital. Today, unfortunately, this balance is threatened by shifting traditional values, culture, practices, as well as weakening knowledge transfer to the next generation. For instance, eyu-ena hunting taboos, which once lasted for months or years, have now been reduced to just 5-7 days. Such shifts in traditional values, along with other anthropogenic pressures, modernisation, and climate change, pose a serious threat to takins and their habitat.

Our study also mapped the distribution of the Mishmi takin, revealing that Arunachal Pradesh is the last remaining stronghold for the species. Yet only 11 per cent of the state’s northern and eastern regions have habitats suitable for the species. Meanwhile, climate change impacts are likely to result in the loss of nearly 45 per cent of this habitat by 2070. To protect the Mishmi takin, we must strengthen culturally rooted conservation efforts and limit large-scale development in its fragile habitat.